Tuesday, July 4, 2017

Museums and the Anthropocene

As the (brand new) Director of the Michigan State University Museum (MSUM), I’ve been giving particular thought of late to the strengths and limitations of the term, “The Anthropocene” in museum contexts. The term, as is well known, is rather a “portmanteau” word that has been variously used by scholars to characterize world history since: (a) the first nuclear explosions in 1945,  (b) since c. 1780 and the rise of the industrial revolution, (c)  dating back to the Neolithic Revolution and the rise of agriculture about 13,000 years ago, or even (d)  back to the late Upper Paleolithic and the rise of particularly effective human mass hunting strategies, perhaps 17.000 or 18,000 years ago.  Whatever the specific timescale being invoked, the posited era is characterized by one or more of the following: human-caused climate change, rising ocean temperatures, a profound decline in animal and plant biodiversity, a rise in mass extinctions (the “sixth great extinction” era) and anticipated dramatic rises in sea level.
State of Exception exhibition (Richard Barnes)

For a museum like MSUM— featuring major collections in natural history, archaeology, ethnology, folk arts, and cultural history—the “Anthropocene” is clearly an engaging concept, suggesting promising avenues for integrating diverse collections, exhibitions, public programs and research projects. One could imagine fascinating exhibitions, for example, linking the visual and performance arts of modern refugee communities to migration patterns induced by global climate dynamics (e.g. droughts, cyclones, aquifer depletion);  or, using ornithological, mammalian, and cultural collections to tell stories about how different societies have understood extinction events over the past several centuries; or,  relating Great Lakes archaeological materials on the rise of maize cultivation millennia ago to present day debates around the world about the politics of monoculture and the centralization of control over seed distribution;  or,  drawing on collections of indigenous watercraft and stilt houses to suggest creative ways humanity might cope with “Waterworld”-like futures; or, interpreting aesthetic representations of nature, landscape, and natural species in diverse global cultures in reference to nostalgic impulses born of massive habitat loss and biodiversity reduction. (Such a show might start with Dutch landscaping paintings, which prominently featured windmills and reclaimed former underwater lands as a celebration of the power of Capital to transform the visible world.) 

In an era in which arts and humanities funding is increasingly imperiled, it is perhaps inevitable that we as curators and museum administrators seek to recast much of our work as being “STEM-relevant,” as explicable and salient within scientific and technological frameworks. My impression is that a number of major museums around the world, including the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History, are increasingly headed in this direction: exhibition and research projects that can present themselves as related to the “Anthropocene,” have better odds of being funded, approved, and nurtured. At a time when we all find ourselves having to make  the case for the continuing value of scientific and cultural collections, it is always useful to cite instances in which these collections can be used to help evaluate the past impact of climate and environmental change, and potentially suggest solutions for future climate-triggered upheavals.  The impulse here is not entirely cynical; there are to be sure, genuinely fascinating intellectual connections to drawn out for our publics, in exhibitions about how domains of human culture can be fruitfully reinterpreted with an eye to dramatic global environmental transformations.

Having said that, I'm uneasy about a headlong embrace of the “Anthropocene” as the be all and end all of museum exhibitions and initiatives. To begin with, one of the most important functions of museums is deepening the public’s wonder and knowledge about the vast range of the non-human, to contemplate temporal and spatial scales and dynamics far beyond the human realm-- as valuable in and of themselves. Museums offer glorious vistas in radical alterity,  opportunities to behold the glories of stellar nurseries thousands of light years away (the topic of the most recent exhibit I’ve worked on) or the pulsating soundscapes and lightscapes and crickets and fireflies (which I wrote about in my last blog post , on  Robin Meier and André Gwerder’s remarkable Synchronicity installation at the Broad). To be sure, there are fascinating human-related elements to all these topics, such as, in the case of the molecular clouds in which stars are born,  the ingenious use of new space-born instruments to perceive and analyze data gathered from non visible segments of the Electromagnetic spectrum, and the complex digital algorithms used to create dazzling color enhanced photographs of stellar nurseries. Yet, the value of these kinds of important natural phenomena should never be reduced solely to the human: otherwise, museums risk a kind of solipsism in which our species alone becomes the measure of all things.

In turn, there are risks in reducing the enormously complex tapestries of human cultures, including visual and performance arts, to a kind of uni-dimensional environmental calculus. As Claude Levi-Strauss long ago observed, while human cultural imaginations have long been obsessed with faunal and floral speciation, and long used metaphors of species differentiation as foundations for thinking about society and personhood, the complex structure of how those species are evaluated in any given human culture cannot be reduced to their material functionality. As Levi Strauss famously observes in The Science of the Concrete, “species are not known because they are used; they are used because they are known.”  Museums need to convey the dynamic interplay between meaning and environment in any given sociocultural order, without reducing one to the other.

An interesting, thought-provoking example of an “Anthropocene”-framed exhibition is State of Exception, organized by anthropologist Jason de Leon, recently on view at the University of Arizona and the Parsons School of Design in New York City. Inspired by De Leon’s remarkable book, The Land of Open Graves, the exhibition provides a heartbreaking archaeology of the present, chronicling the stories of economic migrants who traverse (or fail to traverse) the Sonora desert borderlands between Mexico and the United States. The exhibition centers on a startling installation of the backpacks, water bottlers, images of the Virgin of  Guadalupe, and other ephemera left behind by migrant women and men, objects which in many cases come to function as symbolic substitutes for the never-recovered human remains of those who have succumbed to snakebite, dehydration, or homicide during ill-fated desert crossing. The exhibition subtly explores the intersection between political, cultural, and environmental factors in contributing to this little understood body count. De Leon’s text emphasizes the ways in which the US Department of Homeland Security deploys, in effect, the Sonora desert as an alibi for the mass death of refugees. Even though border control policy funnels refugees into dangerous desert zones, this policy is left unstated, so that thousands of deaths can be attributed to “natural causes.”  The migrants themselves can in many instances be understood as climate or agro-policy refugees, in many instances driven north by the dumping of cheap US grown corn into Mexican and Central American markets.

The exhibition intensifies the spectral qualities of these inanimate reliquaries by having audio tracks of the voices of migrants emerge as if from within the abandoned backpacks. The gallery space here is figured as an uncanny frontier between the living and the dead, which holds up a particularly disturbing mirror to North American viewers who bear a degree of complicity in current US immigration policy.   Here then is a museum project that powerfully foregrounds the dramatic eco-scapes of the Anthropocene, without reducing the meaning and impact of mass human migration to purely environmental factors or determinants. For all us in the business of integrative, interdisciplinary museum projects, this is surely an example worth pondering.

Sunday, April 30, 2017

Synchronicity by Robin Meier

Robin Meier/André Gwerder, Symchronicity (detail). http://robinmeier.net/
Yesterday I had the thrilling experience of being taken through the  remarkable art installation, “Synchronicity,” (co-created by  Robin Meier and André Gwerder) by the artist Robin Meier himself. The work is a key component of the spectacular two floor exhibition, “The Transported Man" in the Eli and Edythe Broad Museum of Art (Michigan State University), the first show at the Broad curated by its new director. Marc-Olivier Wahler.  (On July 1, I will assume the directorship of the nearby MSU Museum, a few buildings west of the Broad.)  This specific installation is the latest iteration of Meirer and Gwerder's multiyear, international Synchronicity project, previously created for Art Basel 2015 and elsewhere, in which the artists have incorporated live insects and human-produced sound, to explore, among other things, the emergent and unpredictable dynamics of organic and human made synchronization.

At the Broad, from the outside, Meier and Gwerder's piece appears as a kind of black circus tent, suspended by multiple cords connected at oblique angles to the gallery's' sharply angled ceilings.  We hear, emanating from within the enclosed artificial biosphere, the steady beat of metronomes and the pulsing sound of chirping crickets. A few guests at a time are allowed to enter through a zippered portal, finding themselves first in a kind of antechamber, which allow our eyes to adjust to this alien low light environment, and  reduces the likelihood that the insects within the main installation space will escape. We are immediately aware of a dramatic rise in temperature, simulating the tropical homelands of some of the insects we are about to meet, and which might also evoke the interior warmth of a womb-like space. We are next allowed to enter the main chamber, covered in silver, reflective material,  centered on two adjacent, ticking metronomes (seen in the image above). These at times pulse in tandem, or they may be reset by a docent to beat at different pulses, gradually returning to synchronization with one another.  Again, in keeping with the womb-like imagery, one has the sense of a maternal heartbeat, to which the fetal heartbeat is either attuned or from which it may be differentiated.

Located around the softly lit chamber is vegetative material, inhabited by scores of crickets (which are not easily seen). The insects adjust their chirping to the pulse of both, or one, of the metronomes. Meier explains that in nature, different cricket micro-colonies will pulse at different rates, allowing each small group to establish unity with their fellow group members and differentiate themselves from other cricket clusters. Our field of vision is dominated by a large transparent enclosed column filled with LED lights, blinking together at a set rate. This enclosure will soon be filled with a special species of Southeast Asian fireflies, currently being hatched in Thailand, which are distinguished by the males’ propensity to flash their lights at precisely the same rate. Meier notes that in nature, this capacity allows a group of males, within a given bush, tree or micro-environment, to attract females at a distance, in the interest of collective reproduction. Once arrived from Thailand, the fireflies will flash their lights at a synchronized rate keyed to the blinking LEDs.

Scattered around the base of the chamber, filled with the kind of dried plant material that might cover a rain forest floor, are several turntable record players, which from time to time turn themselves on, playing on spinning LPs  short electronic musical interludes composed by Meier. These pieces complicate and to some extent destabilize the overall predictability of the metronomes’ regular beats. The overall impression created by this intersection of organic and mechanical audio wave productions is of a matrix of patterns that transcend our capacity to decipher, and yet which are rather calming and beautiful. Then, visitors are ushered into the final transitional airlock chamber. Once the slit is safely zippered behind us, we are allowed to pass though the final zippered slit back into the gallery.

Previous installations of the work have received a good deal of thoughtful critical commentary, including an insightful piece by Bastien Gallet, http://robinmeier.net/?p=2330.   Experiencing this  three chambered sequence as an anthropologist, I was immediately put in mind of the classic work, Les Rites de Passage (1910), by Arnold Van Gennep.  Van Gennep, in an insight subsequently made famous by anthropologist Victor Turner, notes that rituals of transition the world over manifest a shared three=part structure: (1) initial radical separation from the conventional world, followed (2) by an intermediate state of “betwixt and betweeness" (referred to by Van Gennep as the “liminal period,”   often characterized by profound disorientation and the increasing intensification of abstracted dramatizations of contradiction and paradox), and finally (3) by re-integration or re-aggregation, in which the ritual subject re-enters the normal world.  Everything is the same, yet everything is different.  This three-part structure is observable in all manner of human life-crisis rites, from initiation, graduations, and weddings, to inaugurations and funerals.  In small-scale, pre-capitalist human cultures, in which the transcendent goal of society is the periodic production of new social persons, the successful management of the three-part initiatory process, turning children into adults, is quite literally a matter of life or death for the overall body politic, allowing each generation of elders, in effect, to give symbolic birth to the next cohort of future adults.

Within the biosphere's central chamber, watching the reflected pulsing lights on the silver interior surface, I found myself thinking of the earliest evidence we have in the archaeological record of this ancient tripartite structure of life transition, the famous Upper Paleolithic caves of southern Europe, including Lascaux and Chauvet, famously painted with magnificent depictions of animals. Here, we surmise, innumerable generations of initiates or adepts were brought into womb-like cave chambers, first separated from ordinary life above ground, then radically transformed in a liminal space and time through exposure to Mystery, and then finally reintegrated into the conventional universe, transformed in ways that may have been difficult for them to put into words. (Great art, anthropologist Alfred Gell notes, functions as a 'technology of enchantment" that depends on "cognitive indecipherability.")

Ancient musical instruments suggest that these cave womb worlds,  from which persons were periodically reborn at higher levels of social and cultural integration, were characterized by complex soundscapes, which may have emulated and transformed audio registers of the natural world. As brilliantly suggested in Werner Herzog’s 2010 3D documentary on Chauvet, Cave of Forgotten Dreams, seen in the light of flickering torches, the paintings on contoured rocks would have seemed to come alive. Here, at what may have been one of the wellsprings of art and religion, we sense a revolution in human consciousness, centered on the emerging human capacity to give life to that which had once been inanimate, to create through carefully calibrated, collective action the illusions of art--social fictions which turn out, ultimately to be true: new people, and new ways of being in the world, really can be born out of creative human mimesis, which simultaneously copies and transforms elements of the natural world.

Herzog's artistic insights are consistent in many ways with the 2002 scholarly book. The Mind in the Cave: Consciousness and the Origins of Art, in which archaeologist David Lewis-Williams argues that paleolithic rock art both reflected and helped constitute new forms of inter-subjective awareness in early human communities, associated with the rise of complex language, spirituality, and cultural frameworks of higher level cognition --allowing for collective problem solving in the realms of hunting and other vital encounters with the natural world.  (Possible links between these cognitive developments and the emergence of music are explored quite brilliantly in Gary Tomlinson's  2015 book A Million Years of Music: The Emergence of Human Modernity.)

Traversing Robin Meier and André Gwerder's chambers, I was also put in mind of my own fieldwork experiences in southern and central African rural communities, in which some elders, highly keyed to the soundscapes produced by insects,  will at times interpret synchronized or de-synchronized wave patterns in insect sound as predictive of environmental shifts, including decreased or excessive rainfall. The elders' wisdom about the guiding waveforms of insects is transmitted to younger generations through song, oral poetry, dance, and other performance media. I once heard an Ngoni man instructing his nieces and nephews, as their grandmother was explaining in sing-song how an imbalance in two insect species' pulsations presaged a coming drought, "Listen to this, children, for when old age speaks of these matters, she speaks with the Wisdom of God.')

Humans have presumably been attuned to the overlapping, synchronous and asynchronous pulses of our insect neighbors for at least one hundred millennia.  Meier and Gwerder, in integrating some of the oldest and newest of human technologies, in concert with these long-traveled ambassadors from the insect world, have miraculously helped return us to some of the most pivotal, and enigmatic, moments in the cognitive evolution of our species.  Leaving their cave-like womb world—our eyes readjusting from the regular pulses of flickering light and our ears still echoing the overlapping rhythms of mechanical and organic sound—we find ourselves, like our most ancient ancestors, reborn in ways that we cannot easily articulate. As we blink and look around, outside of this latter-day cave, everything seems the same, yet, everything, somehow, is different.

Sunday, March 5, 2017

Zohra Opoku at Armory Show

Zohra Opoku installation, Armory Show, March 2017
I am delighted that the Mariane Ibrahim Gallery’s solo display of multimedia works by the German-Ghanaian artist Zohra Opoku, has been awarded the first Presents award at the current Armory Show in New York City:


I enjoyed writing the gallery notes for the Zohra Opoku installation, as follows:


In this compelling body of work, the German/Ghanian multimedia artist Zohra Opoku meditates upon the overlapping strands of her complex family history. She was born in the GDR, the former East Germany, to a German mother, Brigitte Gerda Marlies Jurk, and a Ghanaian father, Dr. George Bob Kwabena Opoku. Her father, an Asante royal, returned to Ghana soon after her birth; her mother had to remain in East Germany, and raised Zohra under challenging circumstances.

On cotton and canvas surfaces, the artist has printed photographs of her father wearing his regalia as the Asante monarch Nana Opoku Gyabaah II, Chidomhene of Asato/Akan, within the Ghana’s Volta Region. Zohra herself has no direct memories of her father, and has had to reconstruct her father’s story, and her relationship to Akan spiritual worlds, through her mother’s distant recollections and the memories of her younger siblings, who came of age in Ghana.  Significantly, she has reworked photographs given to her by her Ghanaian siblings after her father’s death; these images on cloth highlight both the profound distance between the artist and her father’s homeland, and the continuing work of reestablishing intimate family bonds.

The blurriness of the images is, the artist explains, not intentional,  but in a rather fortuitous fashion it evokes ambiguous spaces between imagination and direct knowledge, between dreams and narrative, and between the modern world and the ancient past. Her artistic process involves repeatedly washing out by hand photographic screens, introducing the errors and disruptions inevitably accumulated across geographical distance and the passage of time, as family stories are told and retold. Photography here functions as a form of divination, bringing the honored Dead into dynamic relationships with their living descendants across the great divides between worlds. This sense of mysterious intimacy is intensified by the presence in many photographs of sacred trees and sacred groves, which in Akan cosmology serve as portals to the life-giving powers of divinities and ancestors.

Into these assemblages, the artist has worked kente woven cloth, historically reserved for those of royal rank among Akan-speaking peoples. She honors the intricate, sacred symbolism of kente, whose color combinations bear profound meanings and sacred potencies. In so doing, she weaves together her father’s royal lineage and her own immediate family histories, including ties to her East German mother.  She incorporates wool thread once owned by her mother in a manner that  echoes weaved stripes joined together in Kente, both binding together her parents' disparate lineages and highlighting their distinctions. In so doing, she explores her own interstitial status in the global system of racial identities: in Ghana she is classified as a “white woman,” while in Germany she would be considered a person of color. Her work creates sheltering spaces for all persons who have multiple, overlapping heritage, who seek a sense of belonging and acceptance in a world that seems increasingly obsessed with division and exclusion. Within these encompassing, welcoming garments, all of us are given a glimpse of home and homecoming, and a tangible reminder that there is always, somewhere, a place for us.

-Commentary by Mark Auslander

Friday, December 30, 2016

Clifton Family and Ashley's Sack

As an addendum to my Southern Spaces piece on the search for Ashley’s Sack, here are my current thoughts on the maternal relatives of Ruth Jones Middleton, who in 1921 embroidered the sack that had been passed down to her from her grandmother, Ashley.  I would be very grateful for input and guidance from members of the extended Clifton family, or from friendly genealogical researchers—as we try to establish precise genealogical connections that might link present day Clifton descendants to Rose, Ashley and Ruth.
Ashley's Sack, courtesy Middleton Place

Candidates for” Ashley”
At this point, I see two leading candidates for Ashley, whom Ruth Middleton refers to as her “grandmother” in the 1921 needlepoint. The most likely strikes me as Sarah Clifton, who in 1880 is residing in Orangeburg County, SC; the second candidate is Dosky or Dasky Clifton, who in 1870 and 1880 resides in Columbia SC (where Ruth (nee Jones) Middelton grew up.)

Let us consider the available evidence:

When Ruth Jones applied for a marriage license in 1918 in Philadelphia, PA,  as she prepared to marry Arthur Middleton, she listed as her mother’s maiden name, “Rosa Clifton.”   We do know that in the 1910 census, Ruth Jones is about seven years old, living in Columbia SC with her parents Austin and Rosa Jones, both listed as servants at the Univeristy of South Carolina.  Austin and Rosa appear to have married in 1902, so before that time, Rosa presumably lived under her maiden name, Rosa Clifton.

The 1900 census lists three African American Rosa Cliftons residing in South Carolina.  One is seven years old and another is a newborn so neither could be old enough to be Ruth Jones’ mother. However, a Rosa Clifton is residing in Columbia, SC, born in January 1880, recorded as single and working as a chambermaid.  She lives in the home of a Wesley Perry, who is married to a Hattie Perry, born January 1875. Rosa Clifton is listed as the “sister in law” of Wesley Perry, so logically, she would  seem to be the sister of Hattie.

There is no surviving 1890 census, and the 1880 census only lists one “Rosa Clifton” in South Carolina; she is about nine years old, born 1871, and residing with her parents David and Betsy Clifton in Bamberg, Barnwell County, SC. She would appear to be too old to be the Rosa Clifton who will become the mother of Ruth Jones (Middleton), but she does enter in the story later, in  suggestive way, as will shall see below.

But if this the “wrong” Rosa Clifton, where in 1880 is the Rosa Clifton we are seeking, the future mother of Ruth Jones Middleton? It is possible that in June 1880, when the US census was enumerated, “our” Rosa had not been born yet and thus is not showing up in the census records (It is true that the 1900 census lists this Rosa Clifton as born in “January 1880,”  but it should be noted that when census enumerators could not determine a precise month of birth, they sometimes wrote down “January” so that is not a very reliable month in census records.)

To go back to the 1900 census, if Rosa Clifton (single) is the sister of the married woman Hattie Perry, then it seems reasonable that Hattie’s maiden name was “Hattie Clifton.”  There is in fact a Hattie Clifton in the 1880 census. She was born in 1874,  which is consistent with the “1875” year given for Hattie Perry in the 1900 census in Columbia, SC.  This nine year old Hattie Clifton in 1880 is residing in Goodland township, Orangeburg County, South Carolina, immediately east of Springfield, SC, about 40 miles southeast of Columbia, SC, where Hattie and Rose were living in 1900.  Hattie  in 1880 lives with her parents William and Sarah Clifton, and her siblings—Nathan, Ella, William, Moss, Robert and Caroline, and Caroline’s infant child (Caroline’s last name is given as Walker, but her sons will later take on the surname Clifton.)

So it seems a reasonable conjecture that “our” Rosa Clifton (the future mother of Ruth Jones Middleton) was not yet born in  June 1880 during the census enumeration, but was born soon afterwards.

It may be that Sarah Clifton, the mother of Hattie (and the likely mother of Rose) was in fact “Ashley,” whom Ruth Jones Middleton refers to on the sack as her grandmother. But we have no direct proof of this.  Sarah is listed born around 1849, which is a little young for Ashley, whom i have estimated was born around 1844, but years of birth for African Americans in these early census are not considered all that accurate.

What about Wesley Perry, the eventual husband of Hattie, with whom Hattie and her sister Rosa Clifton are living in 1900?  Where was he in 1880?  As it happens, there is in the 1880 census, also in Goodland township, SC, a Wesley Perry, born around 1857. He is married to a Nancy in 1880, so presumably he remarried the younger Hattie at some point prior to 1900. In 1880 he is listed, it is interesting note, as having daughters “Hattie” and “Rosalie,” so it possible there are some tangled family connections between the Cliftons and Perrys, perhaps dating back to slavery times.

There is, I should note, another serious candidate for Ashley, the grandmother of Ruth Middleton. This would be Dosky or Dasky Clifton, who appears in the 1870 and 1880 censuses, residing in Columbia SC, born around 1845. As noted in the Southern Spaces article, the sale of nine year old Ashley most likely took place in 1853, so Ashley was probably born around 1844.  Dosky does certainly fit this time frame. She is married a John Clifton, born around 1842 (He is likely the same person as the John Clifton who served in Company D the fabled African American 55th United State Colored Troop regiment during the Civil War).  Their children are Mary, James, Henry, Viola, and Nathan Clifton.  (No Rosa is listed, but again, it is possible that Rosa was born after the 1880 census was enumerated in June.) 

Although Dosky Clifton’s age fits a bit better than Sarah Clifton’s,and although she was living in Columbia,  the case of Hattie (Clifton) Perry, which points to her sister Rosa having come from Goodlands township, indicates, in my judgement, that Sarah remains a more likely candidate as Rosa Clifton’s mother.

Other Cliftons in post Civil War South Carolina

There are other clusters of African American Cliftons in post-Civil War South Carolina, who may be related in some way to the William/Sarah and John/Dosky Clifton families.  There was one  antebellum slaveowning family named Clifton in antebellum South Carolina, based in Chester County, in the northern part of the state. Among these slaveowners was Benjamin W. Clifton. An estate slave sale after his death is described by the former slave Peter Clifton in his WPA narrative: Peter’s mother and sister Lizzie were purchased by Bigger Mobley from this estate sale in Camden, Kershaw County).  The 1870 census lists about 29 African American Cliftons in Chester County and adjacent Lancaster County, whose families presumably had come off of the local white-owned Clifton plantations.

There is also a substantial cluster of Cliftons in Barnwell County, SC, adjacent to Orangeburg County.  who all appear descended from Landy Clifton and his wife Mary Ann Ray Clifton. residing in 1870 George’s Creek, near Blackville, These married children include John, Sam, David and Henry.   It strikes me as plausible that William Clifton (the father of Hattie Clifton and possibly father of Rosa Clifton), residing in 1880 in Goodlands township, is another son of Landy Clifton.

Montgomery County, PA and Philadelphia PA Connections
As noted in the Southern Spaces article, Ruth Jones Middleton from 1918 onwards seems to have lived exclusively within Philadelphia (although there are no direct records of her at all from 1919-c.1925.) Dorothy Helen Middleton Page, who appears to have been the only child of Ruth Jones Middleton, passed away in 1988 in Wyncote, Montgomery County, PA, a north Philadelphia suburb.

There appear to be a number of other African American Cliftons or Clifton descendants from South Carolina who have resided in this general area of Montgomery County, PA., north of Philadelphia.   These include:

1. Rosa Clifton Joyner,  from Bamberg, Barnwell County, SC. She was married to an Andrew Joyner, and resided in the late 1920s in North Glendside, PA, a community immediately adjacent to Wyncote, PA.  She died in the state hospital in Norristown, PA, and  is buried in the beautiful historically African American Fairview Cemetery in Willow Grove, PA.  As noted above, she was born Rosa Clifton, the daughter of David and Betsey Clifton, and the granddaughter of Landy Clifton.

2. Annie Ruth Clifton  (1938-2000). She died in Willow Grove, and like Rosa Clifton Joyner, is buried in Fairview Cemetery. Parents: Bryant Clifton and Lucile Clifton. Bryant’s father was Robert Clifton and his mother may have been Ada Robinson.  Robert’s parents were William and Sarah Clifton, the parents of Hattie Clifton and perhaps the parents of “our” Rosa Clifton, and thus the grandparents of Ruth Jones Middleton.

3. Wagan Clifton (1919-1997). the brother of Bryant Clifton (and uncle of Annie Ruth Clifton) resided in Philadelphia, PA  from at least 1950 onwards and passed away in Philadelphia 

4, Wagan’s wife Commeseain Huffman Clifton (1923-2004)  worked as dietician in the Philadelphia School District. She passed 8 November 2004 in Philadelphia PA.  (Her parents were   John L Huffman and Errie D Livingston ) Her children John. A Clifton, Yvonne C. Clifton and Alvin Clifton all resided in Philadelphia as well.

I know there are a number of other African American Cliftons residing in Willow Grove and surrounding communities. Perhaps some of these families are connected into this story as well.

Please share your suggestions or ideas on any of the above, or on other possible leads, as we continue to search for the family of Rose, Ashley and Ruth.

Friday, October 21, 2016

Origins of Ashley's Sack

Over the past year, I've been trying to trace the origins of Ashley's Sack, one of the most moving and enigmatic objects on display in the new Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture.

On loan from Middleton Place Foundation near Charleston, SC, embroidered text on the bag reads:

My great grandmother Rose

mother of Ashley gave her this sack when

she was sold at age 9 in South Carolina

it held a tattered dress 3 handfulls of

pecans a braid of Roses hair. Told her

It be filled with my Love always

she never saw her again

Ashley is my grandmother

Ruth Middleton


Who, many of us have wondered, were Rose, Ashley, and Ruth?  Where did they live and what can we recover of their lives? What circumstances might have led to the historical sale of nine year old Ashley, and to her grand-daughter Ruth's decision to embroider this long-term family narrative in 1921?

Now, the noted journal  Southern Spaces has published  my research, based on archival and oral historical work in South Carolina and elsewhere:   https://southernspaces.org/2016/slaverys-traces-search-ashleys-sack

Please feel free to share your reflections on these findings, in the comment space below.  What are your thoughts on this object, and on the lives of the women chronicled upon it?  It would be fascinating to hear from those who have seen Ashley's Sack at Middleton Place or at the new Smithsonian museum, or to hear from collateral relatives of Rose, Ashley, and Ruth.

Selected comments will be re-posted at the conclusion of the Southern Spaces piece.

Saturday, April 30, 2016

Justice, Mercy and Shady Acres

Shady Acres Mobile Home Park
Three weeks ago, the museum opened the exhibition, Miracles of Mexican Folk Art: Retablos and Ex Votos, containing a range of beautiful art works dedicated by ordinary people of Mexico, expressing thanks for the small miracles or milagros of everyday. At the time, we didn’t anticipate that the themes of the show—devotion, mercy, gratitude, and aspirations for a better life—would become so deeply poignant, and so precarious, for the local Latino/Mexicano community.  On April 20, we learned, through some diligent reporting by Jesse Majors and Jessica Martinez in the Ellensburg Daily Record, that the Kittitas County Board of Commissioners had executed a purchase and sale agreement,  for $1.45 million, for the Shady Acres Mobile Home park, immediately across the street from our university. Their intention is to close down the park and evict or "relocate" all its residents.  The Commissioners’ plan is to rezone the park for a seasonal RV park, to be constructed and managed by a private concessionaire, to service visitors to the adjacent County Fairgrounds, which hosts the annual Rodeo each Labor Day. and the County Fair. Under state law, mobile home residents are allowed one year to move out of a mobile home park that is being closed.

There are about thirty low-income families in Shady Acres, all but two of them Latino. The majority own their mobile homes, while renting the pad of land on which the trailer rests; the remainder rent the structures in which they reside.  These are extremely hard working families who are just getting by; given the shortage of affordable housing in the County, it is hard for them to imagine finding a comparable, safe place to live. The County officials assert that there is state or Federal funding to move many of the trailers elsewhere in the County. The availability of this funding has not been fully confirmed, however.  Nor it is clear that many of the older trailers could be safely transported. In any event, many families have invested a great deal of time and money in making improvements and extensions to their homes over the years, which would be lost if they were forcibly relocated.

This is a vibrant, close-knit community, in which parents help one another look after their children, and in which generations of children have grown up together. The residents value the current location for proximity to sites of employment, education, medical care, cultural enrichment (including the university) and worship. All of that would be lost if these families were forcibly dispersed around the county.

Our students,  my colleagues and I have gotten to know many of these families through our volunteer work at the APOYO foodbank and through outreach work at the Museum. Some have been living in  the park for decades; the average time in residence is about eight years, so this is by no means a transient population.  There are clear challenges with infrastructure and basic services in the park, but it would be wrong to state, as some officials have, that this is a dysfunctional community or an "eye-sore."  We have been struck again and again, by the kindness and thoughtfulness of these families, who conduct themselves with respect and dignity, keep the park clear and repair the homes efficiently and diligently.  There is a great deal of prejudice against mobile home parks, in many middle class quarters, but advocates and scholars generally acknowledge that mobile home parks have an important role to play in meeting affordable housing needs in the modern United States. There is to my knowledge no evidence that this is a high crime area, and plenty of evidence that these hard working families contribute taxes and many other assets to the fabric of the broader community.

We have been told that the Fairgrounds and Rodeo, which are important economic engines for the county, need to expand if they are stay viable, and that a long standing strategic master plan , emerging out of a "consultative process with stakeholders," calls for the acquisition of the Shady Park property. I’m not convinced of these premises.  The stakeholder consultation process never included any of the residents, so far as we can tell. Notices in English were placed in the newspaper, for hearings which were held in English. The strategic master plan is located on the County website, only in English. No efforts were made to talk to the residents in Spanish about their needs, perspectives, and aspirations. No long term plan was drawn out for finding safe and affordable housing for the  over 30 families of the complex. Low income housing advocates in the county repeatedly tell us they are stretched to the limit and simply don’t have the capacity to locate or build new affordable housing. (See Nicole Klaus' excellent reporting on this topic.)  The Board of Commissioners has signed a $25,000 contract with CC Consulting, which has experience in evicting and relocating mobile home residents, but this amount is of course woefully inadequate for meeting the new housing needs. We are worried many of the families are facing homelessness, or will be forced out of the County.

Nor am I convinced that the Fairgrounds really needs this seasonal RV park. There are potential parking spaces within a few blocks; the open university fields to the north could still be used from time to time (albeit without hooks up at this point). There is an existing RV park at the west interchange, and regular shuttle buses could still be run during the Rodeo and Fair.

Ex Voto: Eusebio Najera, 1942
In any event, is it really worth sacrificing the social health and welfare of over 50 adult and 50 children for a RV park?  There is,  something enormously disturbing, even stomach-churning, about a governmental entity evicting so many low income, minority families, without building a comparable number of affordable housing units. Is this even legal, one wonders?  And what will this do to the regional and national reputation of the County, the Fairgrounds, and Rodeo: will we be known forever as the mass exilers of the poorest and most vulnerable amongst us? Where are the values of love, mercy and compassion that we normally purport to cherish?

I first got to know to the Fairgrounds during the summer of 2012, when the Taylor Bridge wildfire raced through the county, destroying about fifty homes and displacing hundreds of people and animals. My wife Ellen and I, with so many of our neighbors and new friends, worked through many nights at the Fairgrounds at animal rescue. Ellen and I fell in love with Ellensburg and Kittitas County during these difficult, smoky weeks, as we saw the most extraordinary outpouring of generosity and concern for the displaced, from all over the extended community.  Why, I now wonder, can’t that same spirit of courtesy, kindness and generosity be extended to the over thirty families of Shady Acres, by every resident of this county?  I would like to think that this has nothing to do with the fact that these families are low-income, non-white, or in some cases, non English speaking. I like to think that, after everyone has had some time to reflect on this crisis, our better angels will come to the fore, and that we will once again band together to aid and protect our friends and neighbors at their time of greatest need.

Perhaps the most beloved Ex Voto (or painting of gratitude) in the current Museum exhibition is the one dedicated by the couple, Eusebio Najera and his wife in 1942 in Mexico. They give thanks for successfully building a house in the face of great difficulty. The written text explains that the family prayed to San Antonio (St. Anthony) and in time a house was miraculously completed. The lovely painting shows the house embraced, in shade, under the generous arms of a great tree, which, like Saint Anthony himself, gives protection to the house and all who dwell within it.

I like to think that this sacred image holds a promise for all the residents of Shady Acres, at this dire moment—when they are threatened with eviction and dispossession, when they fear they are friendless and about to be cast out. Cannot all of us in Kittitas County find within ourselves the mercy and the sense of justice to reach out our arms, to ensure that every single adult and child at risk is similarly embraced, under the protective shade of another spreading tree, the interlinked branches of our extended, caring community?

Wednesday, April 6, 2016

Image and Text in Ex Votos

Ex Voto: Eusebio Najera and Wife. 1942
Tomorrow the Museum opens our Spring quarter exhibition, “Miracles of Mexican Folk Art: Retablos and Ex Votos,” built around the beautiful collection assembled by Dr. Antonio Sanchez, who serves as the university’s legislative liaison in Olympia. Anthropologists have long been fascinated with votive images the world over, through which the faithful share visions of divine beings who are normally invisible, and express their prayers and gratitude for transformative interventions by these sacred entities.

We have been wondering how we might most productively engage our visitors with these works. How should we encourage close looking, and help elicit thoughtful interpretations and readings of the votive imagery? One theme we hope to emphasize is the complex relationship between text and image in the Ex Votos: what kind of important work is done by juxtaposing visual and written representations of a miraculous event? We might introduce visitors to the anthropological concept of “performativity”: certain kinds of representative acts help to bring about precisely the state of affairs that they represent, and this dynamic can be intensified when written words and painted images operate in concert.

Consider, first, Eusebio Najera and his wife’s 1942 ex voto, in which they give thanks for successfully building a house. The text in the lower right of the image proclaims: " Due to the difficulties I faced to build my house I hailed San Antonio, who is revered in the barrio of Guadalupe, Venado, S.L.P. to grant me permission to build it, and granted the favor we are immensely grateful. Eusebio Najera and wife." diarias, SLP, January 1942. [Signed] J Badillo."

In the top center we see Saint Antonio, depicted, as he often is, holding the infant Jesus. In the middle foreground we see two depictions of what appears to be the same family, consisting of a father, mother and three children, presumably the family of the worshiper. In the center, just underneath the large image of the Saint, we see the family with their backs to us, in a straight line, facing the saint who has granted them the house. To the right we see another image of the same family, in front of their home, in a more informal pose. The mother is closest to the doorway of the house, next to her husband, as the parents look out as their three children, one of whom is bending to pick up something. The family seems suspended between two structures, a stucco-covered completed house on the far right, and a rougher building still show brick work, a little to its left.

Might we read the entire image as a linear sequence, to be read from left to right? In the far left we see an empty space, before a tree, perhaps signifying the empty plot upon which the family hopes to construct a house; then, in the middle the family prays (still in a relatively empty space) to the Saint for their hoped-for home, then we see, further to the right, the house partly constructed, and then we see the house fully completed, with the family happily gathered in the courtyard of their granted wish, the residential space itself? One wonders, speculatively, if some of the “difficulties” encountered in building the house were encountered when it was partly constructed, and if the image might allude to this. (Is is also possible that the family in fact built two structures, which are both imaged here). In any event, it is noteworthy that in front of the house, the father wears his hat; but when standing in line of front of the Saint, his head is appropriately bare.

We also might contemplate the arboreal imagery in the painting. The house is sheltered under the spreading branches of the tree, and the image of Saint Anthony is itself flanked by trees. It may be that the right tree is being represented as a manifestation of the protective Saint, whose arms bless the family within their new home. We might even read the two trees, on the right and left of the landscape, as the same tree; first, on the left, the tree stands over a bare plot of land, then, on the right, the same tree has extended itself outwards to shelter the prayerful family and their home.

Juana Rosas. 1932
It is also intriguing that the left margin of the written text is precisely aligned under the prayerful father and the left edge of the image of the Saint to whom he prays. The left half of this landscape, in effect, is relatively empty and perhaps "pre-linguistic," with everything existing in potentia, while the right half, filled with house and with the two images of the family, constitutes a space appropriate to thankful language.

In turn, the image dedicated by Juana Rosas in 1932, to give thanks for her son’s recovery from illness, would seem to give visual expression to the transformative interaction between the threatened young man and the healing power of Jesus. The text proclaims, “Juana Rozas gives infinite thanks to Santo Cristo for having saved her son F.E. from danger -14-8-32”

We see on the bottom left the mother praying at the bedside of her son. The young man, “F.E.” is shown prone in bed, covered by a white blanket, which curves down from his chest to his stomach and then up to raised knees. This “U” like curve is reduplicated above him in the “U” of the clouds surrounding the crucified Christ, suspended in the sky above him, in the image’s upper center. The ruffles at the base of the blanket or bed skirt in turn seem to emulate the shape of the circular clouds above, around Jesus. One reading is that the mystery of Christ’s death and resurrection is being sympathetically transmitted from the Savior to the patient, and that the sick bed, which easily could have been a place of death, is thus through divine intervention transformed into a place of recovery.

The ritual work of visual representation may also be suggested in Efren Gonzalez’s 1935 offered image, which bears the inscription:

Efren Gonzalez. 1935

Perfeta García. 1937
"Having fallen ill of my back I invoked the Holy Virgin, protector of San Juan, and in a short time I have recovered my health. Therefore, being thankful to such wondrous woman I gift this [ex-voto]. Efrén Gonzalez, San Diego de la Union, January 25 1935. " The praying man in overalls holds in his right hand an extended straight votive candle as he faces the Blessed Virgin, surrounded by clouds. Is it possible that the straightness of the candle is iconic of the straightness of the penitent’s spine, cured by the Virgin Mother’s miraculous intervention?

Another process of healing is represented in the Ex Voto presented by Perfeta García in 1937: "Finding myself seriously ill, affected in my brain, hailed with all fervor to the Señor San Antonio to give relief, and finding myself already much better I give infinite thanks for the gift granted by such a miraculous image. Perfeta Garcia. January 24-37. Cha_can [?] S.L.P. [Signed] J Badillos. "

At the center of the image we see St Anthony, once again holding the infant Jesus. To the side of the image of the Saint pray two women and a man, presumably the patient himself. Over on the left, the patient, evidently now restored to health, stands upright beside his bed. To the right, we see a small figure on a pathway surmounting a hill, covered with trees at its crest. Might we read this pathway as a representation of the patient’s own path to health, climbing, as it were, from madness back to sanity? It is fascinating in any event that the text makes specific references to the “miraculous image”: are we to surmise that during his illness the patient contemplated a painting of Saint Anthony and that he attributes his return to sanity as a gift of the image itself, which is reproduced here.

Julián Flores. (1927)
I am particularly taken with Julián Flores’s ex voto (1927) on which is inscribed: "Mr. Julíian Flores gives infinite thanks to Señor San Antonío of the barrio of Guadalupe, Venado, S.L.P. for having found a cow lost in the hills and after many days he found her one day in the morning and he publishes his miracle through this retablo. VENADO, S.L.P. 1927"

The image is divided between a colorful landscape on the left, which depicts the moment at which the worshiper, on horseback and wearing a hat, discovered the cow with her suckling calf, and a monochromatic depiction of a church or cathedral, in which the worshiper, alone and bare-headed, faces the altar kneeling in prayer, either in supplication or gratitude. There seems to be an implied visual parallelism between the interior and external landscapes: the mountainous setting is by implication filled with the same divine grace as the sanctuary, the miraculous presence that has restored to the supplicant his livelihood.

Cosme y Gonsalo Perez. 1964
An especially graphic scene is depicted in Cosme y Gonsalo Perez’s 1964 Ex voto, recounting his recovery from a nearly fatal accident on a horse. The inscription records, “I thank the Holy Virgien of San Juan de los Lagos for having found ourselves in an encounter with horses we found ourselves in a trance of death, I invoked [the aid of] the Santa Virgien de San Juan de los Lagos, being granted the miracle.  La Piedad, Michoacan, Sep. 24 1964. Cosme y Gonsalo Perez.""

In the upper right we see the Blessed Virgin of the Lake. Below her we see rearing horses with empty saddles. Directly below the Virgin, we see a man, presumably the thankful worshiper, prone on the ground with blood pouring from his head. His arm reaches upwards towards the Virgin, to whom he prayed while on the frontier between life and death. The image powerfully evokes the penitent’s experiences of having been on the borderlands between worlds; his flowing blood may be evocative of the wounds of Christ, ultimately bound up and healed through divine intervention.

Maria Silvain. 1954
Finally, I’m fascinated by the Ex Voto offered by Maria Silvain in 1954, on which is written:

"I give infinite thanks to our very Holy Virgin of San Juan, for having granted the miracle of my son Jose Lopez returned after my in-laws took him away. Nov. 30, 1954. Maria Silva."

Here, we see the kneeling mother, in a black shawl, holding her returned son, who rests his head on her bosom, facing the Virgin. It makes sense that a mother seek reunion with her son would seek the aid of the Blessed Mother who similarly lost, and found, her own son. Are we to infer that Maria Silvain (herself named for the Virgin Mary) is shown here in mourning, and that it is the family of her late husband who had for a time taken the boy from her? I am not quite sure why the mother is shown kneeling on cobblestones; perhaps this is to contrast her earthly state with the heavenly status of the Virgin, who floats on celestial clouds Perhaps the bare cobblestones stress the isolation of the mother, left widowed and cruelly abused by her in laws, and thus emphasize how great a miracle she has experienced in being reunited with her son.

These preliminary readings of the Ex Votos are of course speculative. It will be fascinating, as community members with more direct knowledge of this genre, visit the exhibition and share their insights into these fascinating, compelling works.